By Leigh Catherine Miles
Editor, Iran Election Bulletin
Dear Reader,
Last week former President Mohammad Khatami, seen by many as the hope of the reformers, withdrew from the presidential race in favor of fellow candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi. The field, for now, has narrowed to three serious presidential contenders: Mousavi, fellow reformist Mehdi Karroubi and the conservative incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. While still three months from election day, the Iranian public is starting to ask how each candidate would lead the country. However, there is a notable lack of substance in campaign speeches or discussion of the issues that would define and distinguish the candidates. As Iran analyst Geneive Abdo explains in her article in this week’s Iran Election Bulletin, personalities are trumping platforms.
While the candidates may not be talking policy, the Iranian electorate is engaged in debate. The economy, with its rampant unemployment and inflation, understandably figures most prominently in voters’ concerns. Others in the electorate want to see a marked change in social and political freedoms and/or Iran’s relations with the international community. Iranian author Masih Alinejad lays out some of the basic demands of the Iranian public: freedom of expression, personal safety, an end to state repression, measured foreign policy and employment and economic betterment.
A mood of pessimism and frustration hangs over the election period, reflecting the disparity between the public’s clear concerns and the candidates’ policy generalities. While the candidates may begin to speak more clearly once the final slate is announced by the Guardian Council, the Supreme Leader’s constitutionally mandated oversight body, on May 20th, the public is not optimistic it will hear anything new.
I hope you enjoy reading this issue of the Iran Election Bulletin, and welcome you to
email me [3] with any questions or comments you may have.
Sincerely,
Leigh Catherine Miles
Editor
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Published on March 27, 2009
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By Geneive Abdo
Middle East analyst, The Century Foundation
At the start of its new year, serious challenges face Iran. Inflation is running at 26 percent and unemployment is estimated at 30 percent. Iran’s dependence on its oil revenue is creating a crisis, as the price of oil plummets on the world market. New U.S. sanctions against Iran will likely cause more hardship. And the threat from Israel and the United States over Iran’s uranium enrichment program casts a thick cloud over the Islamic republic. Given the problems the government must confront, one might reasonably expect the presidential contenders to lay out detailed platforms to meet them. But the crucial race for president has so far been characterized more by form than substance. Rather than making specific policy recommendations or proposals, candidates speak in vague notions ranging from the need to unite the country to differences in the practice of Islam in the West versus the East.
Personalities, more so than policies, are driving public discussion. Among the reformists, Mehdi Karroubi, stealing a page from the American electoral handbook, is running on a platform for “change.” The former speaker of parliament advocates a radical shift from the presidency of hard-liner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whom even his fellow conservatives blame for damaging Iran’s international credibility and wrecking the national economy. However, in a pattern that is prevalent in the current election period, the specifics of what direction that shift would take are not forthcoming and his proposals sound anything but radical. A speech Karroubi delivered during a campaign stop in Hamadan in early March is a case in point: “If I become president, I shall pick my cabinet members from the best, most experienced and smartest professionals. I shall make affordable housing practical for all middle-class people. I will stay away from micro-management and would let the best skilled managers take over the role of managing society … I shall remain faithful to the Imam (Ayatollah) Khomeini’s principles.”
Karroubi’s fellow challenger among the reformists, Mir-Hossein Mousavi, is equally difficult to pin down on his policy platform. The former prime minister has, despite flirtations with running for president in previous elections, largely stayed out of politics for the last two decades. As the blogger Persia wrote in his March 14th blog, “Mousavi is a real black box … Most people don’t know if he still maintains his leftist ideas of 1980s or not.” However, the electorate is forced to look to that record, particularly on managing the economy during the Iran-Iraq war, to gauge how he might approach the nation’s current policy challenges.
Of course, the most noted reformist personality – former president Mohammad Khatami – announced his withdrawal from the presidential race on March 15th, stepping aside to make way for Mousavi. Appearing in his trademark clerical robes, he said too many reformist candidates would split the vote, which would likely lead to defeat. “We reformists should do our best to prevent the party from dividing … Mr. Mousavi has announced his candidacy, though late. I had said clearly, ‘Me or Mousavi,’ and now I am doing as I said. We should remain as one, united.” Khatami’s presence, however, still looms large over the reformist camp, with some factions urging him to reconsider his candidacy and others calling upon Karroubi to follow his example and withdraw from the race in the name of reformist unity.
Across the political spectrum, Ahmadinejad is trying to cling to the status quo by cementing his power base among the religious and downtrodden. Posters of Ahmadinejad across the country show a photograph of him alongside pictures of Ayatollah Khomeini and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. He is clearly positioning himself in line with the two religious leaders who are most associated with preserving the principles of the 1979 Islamic revolution. Slogans on the posters boast that his government provided financial plans for retirees, even though the government’s coffers are stretched.
If there is one issue the candidates are addressing in their campaign speeches, it is Iran’s economic crisis. This comes as no surprise to Iranian voters as the economy is virtually the only area in which an elected president does have significant influence – far more so than Iran’s nuclear program, its relations with the United States, or its role in Iraq, which are more in the hands of the non-elected figures running the state. In 2005, Ahmadinejad rose to national prominence for his promises to improve economic conditions for the underclass. Candidates in this year’s presidential election seem to have learned from his success, and reformists and conservatives alike are espousing populist rhetoric.
Karroubi, in addition to supporting affordable housing, has said he will offer shares in Iran’s state oil and gas industry to the public if he is elected. According to Etemad-e Melli newspaper, he intends to “put people in charge of the management, production and distribution of oil revenues and remove it from the government budget,” with the aim of decreasing the social gap and corruption in the extractive industries. Karroubi, during a speech in the northern Golestan province in early March, also called for better government data on inflation and unemployment to inform economic policies.
In keeping with his reputation as a straight-shooter, potential conservative candidate Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Tehran’s mayor, has focused on basic services for citizens and criticized the central government for failing to provide those for Tehran residents. He was quoted in an interview with Khorasan newspaper as saying that “the economic challenges we face in Iran … are increasing and the situation including Tehran municipality has worsened due to the lack of cooperation and the fact that (there are not) enough facilities, including buses and other means of public transportation.”
Reformist Mousavi, while failing to unveil a specific economic program, has made several references for the need to improve the economy, but in a way that remains true to Iran’s religious faith. “The way we plan on spending and also controlling our expenses should be along the path of reaching strategic goals. What is important is that these strategies be planned as Islamic strategies,” he said during a speech at the Hosseinieh mosque in Tehran. His ability to walk the line between reform and traditionalism has many Iranians viewing him as a potential third-way candidate who could pull from both reformists and more moderate conservatives. His economic credentials from managing Iran’s economy as prime minister during the Iran-Iraq war are also serving him in good stead. As Seyed-Hadi Khamenei, the Supreme Leader’s brother, said in a rare expression of support for a candidate in an interview with Aftab-e Yazd, “Mr. Mousavi has great economic views and his economic policies were impeccable during the Iran-Iraq war, especially with regard to managing inflation.”
The candidates, however, so far are speaking only in generalities about the economy, and it is unlikely the candidates will make known their specific policies on that or any other issue before the Guardian Council announces on May 20th who will be allowed to run in the June 12th poll. The Guardians, comprised of six jurists and six clerics appointed by Khamenei, are watching the candidates’ moves closely. So for now, the prospective candidates are talking, while at the same time trying not to say too much.
Pictured above: From left to right, candidates Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and a poster of candidate Mehdi Karroubi.
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Published on March 27, 2009
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By Masih Alinejad
The Iranian new year has begun, but the old tale of election doubts remains in the streets of Iran. The election game has changed, but people’s demands have not. Some of the candidates have become more serious about running, but many Iranians have become even more confused. In the final days of the Iranian calendar year, the people of Iran were looking to those who had announced their candidacies to fulfill their social, economic, and political hopes.
However, matters changed suddenly: Mir-Hossein Moussavi, the prime minister during the Iran-Iraq war, announced his candidacy for the presidency and Mohammad Khatami, Iran’s former reformist president, withdrew from the race. Now Moussavi and former Parliament Speaker reformist Mehdi Karroubi are the only well-known figures still in the race. No official word has been heard yet from current President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s camp, but Ahmadinejad’s participation in the election seems very likely.
Those in Iranian society who are critical of current conditions cannot discuss their demands with just any candidate. Conservative candidates such as Ahmadinejad would not engage in a discussion about amending chapters of the constitution, relations with the United States and addressing international sanctions and declarations. By contrast, such topics have been extensively discussed with Khatami and Karroubi. With Khatami no longer in the race, Iranians are waiting to see how they can inform Moussavi of their expectations.
Iranian society does have specific social, economic and political demands for each candidate. Domestically, Iranians seek a free press, freedom of thought in colleges and universities, and civil liberties through participation in various labor, social and cultural movements and groups. During election seasons, people are usually more at liberty to express their views. These days, in every election-related gathering, there are women, students, and workers – along with some media – carrying signs, letting the candidates know in no uncertain terms what they want: the release of their imprisoned co-workers and a guaranteed minimum level of freedom to engage in political activity. At the same time, some reformist parties, human rights activists and advocates want to establish a dialogue leading to a possible discussion on revising discriminatory laws. These groups want to see changes in, for example, the laws governing the press and some of the Shari’a laws on stoning and execution. They want to eliminate the vetting of presidential candidates by the Council of Guardians and laws discriminating against women.
In the economic arena, unemployment and job creation, as well as inflation, are clear social concerns. The rise in prices in the housing market has been so high and beyond estimates that the current government has asked the Information Ministry to investigate the matter, and some in the government are trying to blame a mafia group for the rapidly climbing prices. Each candidate has a clear image of the voters’ economic hopes and will be making promises during the campaign, but each will also fall short in fulfilling his promises.
Ahmadinejad in his last campaign promised to put oil money on people’s tables, but the rise in oil prices has not benefited ordinary Iranians. On the contrary, the 1997 summer fuel ration ratified by parliament made life even more difficult, causing unrest in the streets, where tens of gas stations were torched by angry mobs. Policies became apologies. In the winter, the southern provinces faced gas shortages, prompting government apologies. In the summer, power shortages in the south made life without air conditioners unbearable, prompting an apology by the Energy Ministry.
Economists, investors and manufacturers have written the president over the last several years to warn him about the tough economic conditions and suffering of the public. The government has responded by attacking the writers, accusing them of weakening the policies of the Islamic government.
Ahmadinejad faced dissent over the economy from within his own cabinet. As a result, he fired the ministers of economy, commerce and oil. In all, half of his cabinet has been replaced. However, inflation, unemployment and high prices have persisted. The pressure has been so harsh that several men set themselves on fire to protest the current living standards.
In the social arena, the rise in the number of violent crimes such as rape, assault and battery has increased public demand for a more noticeable presence of the security forces. However, past calls for the security forces to respond to crime have ultimately resulted in an abrogation of privacy and personal freedoms, rather than increased safety. The security forces enter homes and confiscate satellite dishes and confront improper dress, mostly of young people. The confrontations have become so harsh that the state-run television channel protested the violent approach on a television interview with the head of the security forces.
Most troubling has been the security forces’ “Fight against the Rowdies.” Many of the so-called “rowdies” were executed in public, many were subjected to public flogging, and many were forced to walk in shame in the streets while denouncing their crimes and being beaten by security agents. Such scenes did not meet with public approval, and the media denounced these punishments by publicizing the pictures of the violent, inhumane acts.
In foreign policy, many want to see tensions alleviated in international relations. Iranians do not want Iran to be isolated internationally. Although the state-run press has never expressed the general discontent of the Iranian public concerning Ahmadinejad’s rhetoric about “wiping Israel from the face of the earth,” moderate groups and papers believe that such radical stances weaken Iran’s position globally. They seek a more rational approach in foreign policy and look at the 6th Parliament as an example. Many members of the reformist 6th Parliament reiterated Iran’s right to obtain nuclear energy, while at the same time asking the government to devote attention to, and respect, negotiations with the international community. Some 83 percent of Iranians reportedly favor negotiating with the United States according to a poll conducted by the Ayandeh Institute.1 Currently, the conservatives are not part of the trend of welcoming relations with the United States.
Iranians’ social, economic and political hopes vis-à-vis the presidential candidates are defined in terms of the difficulties experienced by Iranians. In the previous elections, Iranians hoped perhaps for a more open dialogue about politics and civil society. The ideal candidate was maybe one who believed in changes in these areas and would allow the publication of more newspapers and books, the showing of more films, and an exchange of different ideas. Today, Iranians just want to maintain what they have. They do not want yet another newspaper shut down. They hope to see the publication of a book that has already received a publication permit.
They expect their president not to create more tension with the international community, even if he is unable to expand relations. They want him not to expand poverty, even if he is unable to provide prosperity. They wish not to lose what resources they have to mismanagement of the economy, even if no more resources can be provided. In the social arena, if individual liberties cannot be expanded, then at least what few are currently enjoyed should not be taken away. If there is no serious resolve to increase public safety, at least do not increase the emotional discomfort of people by holding public displays of harsh punishment of the offenders.
These are the bare, minimum expectations of Iranians in Iran’s tenth presidential election.
Note: This article was translated from Farsi. The opinions expressed reflect those of the author, and not necessarily those of the National Democratic Institute or The Century Foundation.
1 The institute was later shut down, and its founder, Abbas Abdi, was sentenced to three years in jail.
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Published on March 27, 2009
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By Geneive Abdo
Middle East analyst, The Century Foundation
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s wide-ranging address in his hometown of Mashhad on March 21 attracted enormous attention around the globe. His remarks in response to U.S. President Barack Obama’s New Year’s message to the Iranian people seemed to indicate that Iran could be open to a friendlier relationship with the United States. Since Obama took office, it has become increasingly clear that talking with the United States, if not eventually normalizing relations, is the goal not only of Khamenei but other high-ranking Iranian leaders.
While the international community honed in on what the speech might portend for US-Iran relations, Iranian citizens listened just as closely to Khamenei’s messages on domestic politics and the economy. He urged the public to be more frugal during this time of economic crisis, but much like the presidential candidates did not respond to the larger economic issues facing Iran. More significantly, and much to the surprise of many Iranians and international Iran watchers, he distanced himself from what is commonly believed to be his solid support for the incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the upcoming presidential election.
Reading from prepared notes – unusual for Khamenei who is known for his spontaneous, rhetorical speeches – he chose his words carefully, and he spoke directly to the June 12 election. Considering Khamenei’s public support for Ahmadinejad in 2005, when he first ran for office, it has been assumed that Ahmadinejad is his candidate in this election. But Khamenei tried in Mashhad to put such rumors to rest. “I will cast my own vote and will not advise anyone to vote for a particular candidate, because this is a matter of personal choice. I sometimes say things to defend or support the current administration (Ahmadinejad) and there are some people who misinterpret what I say. However, as a duty, I always support different administrations and those who render services to the people.” Only time will tell if he will indeed remain neutral.
Other parts of his speech sought to silence critics inside and outside Iran who question the legitimacy of elections in the Islamic republic. “Thirty elections have so far been held in the Islamic republic and according to the officials of the time, all those elections have been freely and accurately held,” said Khamenei, speaking before thousands of Iranians chanting, “God is great! Khamenei is the leader!”
The fact remains, however, that the Iranian polls could hardly be characterized as democratic. Presidential contenders who have nominated themselves in the upcoming presidential poll must be vetted by the Guardian Council. The Guardians, infamous for disqualifying candidates who might challenge the principles of the regime, will decide on May 20th the final slate of contenders. In addition to the Guardians’ influence before the polls are held, questions are often raised over whether the vote counting is accurate after elections. For years, political figures have accused the regime of rigging the polls to ensure the victory of certain candidates.
Addressing Iran’s beleaguered economy, which is figuring as the primary campaign issue for the elections, Khamenei appeared to misplace blame. The economy is hurt by the country’s dependence on its oil revenues and the plummeting price of oil on the world market. And new policies under Ahmadinejad have also contributed to the current economic downturn. The president has emptied the state’s coffers to redistribute wealth and help the poor, but the result is a surge in inflation, now estimated at 26 percent.
Khamaenei, however, sidestepped these major causes underlying the country’s economic woes. Instead, he focused on a more minor cause by calling upon Iranians to conserve energy to help the economy. “We should admit that wrong consumption habits and methods have resulted in excessive consumption, and the average amount of energy used in the country is twice the current amounts in the world,” he said. “The proportion of the energy used for production to the amount of products that are produced is eight times the amount used by developed countries.”
Pictured above: Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
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Published on March 27, 2009
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“The (coalition) government should form ahead of the election. It would bring power and respect to the Iranian nation … Iran is a now a major power in the world. But we are not civil enough, so we lack political parties.”
– Mohsen Rezai, quoted on the Farsi-language website Fararou, March 13
Moderate conservatives fear their views will not be represented in a second Ahmadinejad term should the president win re-election. Mohsen Rezai, the former Revolutionary Guards commander, began floating the idea of creating a coalition government in March as a way to unite the conservative camp. Conservatives are currently split between Ahmadinejad’s hardliners and more pragmatic conservatives, such as Rezai. Rezai’s proposal highlights the tensions that political factions, without corresponding political parties, create in Iranian politics. The lack of political parties, which would nominate and run candidates, is causing friction among the conservatives and reformers, both of which have too many potential candidates vying for president.
“Khatami’s withdrawal from the Presidential race will provide more opportunities for the principlists.”
– conservative political activist Seyed Kamaladdin Sajjadi in the conservative newspaper Resalat, March 19
Despite publicly stating that the reformists will be split in June, to the benefit of the conservatives, it appears that the conservatives may see Mir-Hossein Mousavi as the man to beat. Resalat, seizing upon the assumption that Mohammad Khatami is endorsing Mousavi, attacked Mousavi’s candidacy, calling into question whether he would actually bring “a better future” for Iran. Conservative spokespeople have also issued statements attacking Mousavi’s qualifications, and the conservative Kayhan newspaper questioned Mousavi’s allegiance to Supreme Leader Khamenei. The conservatives’ focus on Mousavi seems warranted given speculation within the reformists that Mousavi may emerge as the reformist candidate and that Mehdi Karroubi might withdraw, under pressure from reformists, at the last moment before the June election. Karroubi for his part has adamantly denied that he has any plans to step aside.
“Khatami’s withdrawal from the presidential race has upset the West”
– headline in the conservative Kayhan newspaper, March 19
Further painting Mohammad Khatami as a creature of the West, Kayhan focused on the disappointment in the United States over Khatami’s withdrawal as a candidate, referencing articles in The Washington Post as evidence. While Khatami is now out of the race, conservatives may try to paint anyone he supports with the same brush of Western alignment. Many Iranians have expressed dismay at Khatami’s departure, but others in the reformist community have also said that he may have been a more attractive candidate to the West than he actually was to Iranian reformists. There remains a significant segment of reform-mined Iranians who are still disillusioned with how little he was able to accomplish, in comparison to his promises, during his presidential terms.
“One of Khatami’s supporters from the group “Youth for Khatami” has said they had not asked Abdollah Nouri to accept a candidacy”
– headline on Mir-Hossein Mousavi’s Ghalam weblog, March 19
Earlier this week, rumors were floating that the National Organization of Khatami’s Youth Supporters was seeking to draft Abdollah Nouri, former Minister of Interior under both Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami, rather than giving their support to the two current reformist candidates. Nouri was convicted in November 1999 of speaking out against Ayatollah Khomenei and insulting Islam for his publication of and writings in the Khordad newspaper. He was freed from prison in 2002 after Mehdi Karroubi wrote a letter on his behalf to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei following the death of Nouri’s brother. Mousavi’s website refuted the claims that Khatami’s youth supporters were trying to draft Nouri. According to Ghalam, Nouri urged the youth to wait until the excitement of Khatami’s withdrawal had passed. He may be mulling over a presidential run, but is waiting to see how the reformists align in the wake of Khatami’s withdrawal.
“Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf’s campaign has become proactive over the past two days – It seems that he seriously intends to enter the race”
– headline on the left-leaning Jomhouriyyat website, March 20
With the departure of Mohammad Khatami from the presidential race, Ghalibaf’s campaign team has increased its activity and an announcement of his candidacy is expected any day. Ghalibaf, who is the current mayor of Tehran and is among more moderate conservatives, may be able to attract many of the voters who had planned to support Khatami. Further, within the conservatives, he may be seen as a better alternative to the hard-line incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Moderate conservatives in the parliament have been engaged in a fierce confrontation with the president over his budget proposal, demonstrating that they are not in lock step with Ahmadinejad. Ghalibaf may be further emboldened by Supreme Leader Khamenei’s distancing of himself from President Ahmadinejad in his Nowrouz remarks.
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Published on March 27, 2009
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The leading candidates to emerge in the 2009 Iranian presidential election are:
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In his successful 2005 presidential campaign, Ahmadinejad took a populist approach, with emphasis on his own simple life. He is a self-described “principlist”, that is, one whose politics are based on Islamic and revolutionary principles. He is known for promising to “put the petroleum income on people’s tables,” referring to distribution of Iran’s oil profits among the poor. Since 2008, he has pushed to remove subsidies from the state budget, which he believes have bloated the system, in exchange for cash distributions to the public.
Ahmadinejad has been the only presidential candidate to characterize relations with the United States and the United Nations as being one-sided and against Muslims. He has defended Iran’s nuclear program and has accused the West of trying to limit Iran’s industrial and technological developments. He supports fighting terrorism in order to improve foreign relations and has called for greater ties with Iran's neighbors by ending visa requirements between states in the region.
He has been known to crackdown against women’s attire and activity, homosexuals and minority religious sects. Freedom of expression has been limited in order to further national security.
Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, a senior cleric from Qom, is Ahmadinejad’s ideological mentor and spiritual guide.
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Karroubi is a critic of the Guardian Council but supports the Supreme Leader. He calls himself a follower of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, as he was an advisor to Khomeini and a member of the Expediency Discernment Council, before he resigned in the belief that non-elected conservative factions were interfering in society. Karroubi considers himself a pragmatic reformist. In his first term as speaker of parliament, he was among the maktabi or “radical” faction of the majlis who contested the policies of President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, such as foreign investment and market reforms. Karroubi sought to promote mass political participation and maintain state control of the economy.
Karroubi differs from Ahmadinejad over almost all domestic issues, especially the management of the economy and the nuclear issue. He embraces all classes within society – students, workers, professionals and the clergy – while operating within the general framework of the constitution of the Iranian Republic. He has stated that he believes that many articles of the constitution pertaining to rights of the people have not been implemented. Karroubi has also stated that he will appoint women as ministers and presidential aides if he wins the June presidential election – a move that would break the barrier women have faced in holding ministerial posts.
During his campaign for the 2005 presidential elections, Karroubi vowed to pay 500,000 rials ($50 dollars) monthly to every Iranian above 18. Since his campaign was announced for the 2009 election, Karroubi has said he will offer shares in Iran’s state oil and gas industry to the public.
Karroubi’s campaign slogan is “Change”, hoping to “bring about change in Iran’s Executive Body”.
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Mousavi has vowed to follow former president Mohammad Khatami’s path not only to pursue democratic reforms, but also to stay true to the country’s Islamic values and the revolution. Mousavi, a former conservative, does not believe in Western-style economic and political reforms. However, he does believe in press and individual freedoms and intends to establish a special dialogue to increase social cohesion. Mousavi believes the society’s mindset must be transformed in order to increase women’s participation in social life. While praising the technological and nuclear advancements, he criticizes current president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s planning and budgeting. He further believes Iran needs to improve human resources and management. He is widely lauded by Iranians for his management of the economy as prime minister during the Iran-Iraq war. Many believe he can attract principlists and reformers.
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Published on March 27, 2009
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|
Right-Wing Principlists |
|
|
EXPECTED |
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad |
|
CONSIDERING |
Mohammad Jahromi |
|
CONSIDERING |
Mostafa PourMohammadi |
|
Moderate Conservatives |
|
|
EXPECTED |
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf |
|
CONSIDERING |
Mohsen Rezai |
|
CONSIDERING |
Gholamali Haddad-Adel |
|
CONSIDERING |
Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri |
|
CONSIDERING |
Mohammad Nahavandian |
|
CONSIDERING |
Hassan Rowhani |
|
NOT RUNNING |
Ali Akbar Velayati |
|
Reformists |
|
|
ANNOUNCED |
Mehdi Karroubi |
|
ANNOUNCED |
Mir-Hossein Mousavi |
|
CONSIDERING |
Abdollah Nouri |
|
NOT RUNNING |
Mohammad-Reza Aref |
|
NOT RUNNING |
Mohammad Khatami |
|
NOT RUNNING |
Mohamad-Ali Najafi |
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Updated on March 27, 2009
Links:
[1] http://www.accessdemocracy.org/node/15435
[2] mailto:lmiles@ndi.org
[3] mailto:lmiles@ndi.org